Saturday, August 27, 2011

August 22, 1861: "Venus in Distress"

The 47th Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteer Infantry Regiment was one of the first volunteer three-year regiments created in 1861.  Colonel Tilghman Good, of Allentown, was appointed regimental commander.  Originally touted as "Col. Good's Zouaves," the 47th was a conventional infantry regiment, wearing the standard Federal blue uniform. 

Col. Good had been the Captain of the Allen Rifles in the Pennsylvania Militia when the war broke out in April.  The Allen Rifles served in the three months service as Company I, 1st PA      Regiment.  During that service, Good was appointed Lieutenant Colonel, under Colonel S. S. Yohe. 

In Easton, two companies of the 47th were recruited. Captain Richard A. Graeffe, age 33, recruited men for Company A ["Easton Rifles"] at Glantz's Saloon and at F. Beck's Saloon on Northampton Street.  Captain Charles H. Yard, age 33, recruited men for Company E ["Honor Colors Company"] at Lafayette Yard's Saloon on Northampton Street.  Yard had been a lieutenant in the 1st PA Regiment during the three months service.  Patriotic music, alcoholic beverages and Victorian bravado helped with the recruitment process. 

Pomp's Coronet Band, led by Professor Thomas Coates, became the regimental band.  Coats has been called "the Father of Band Music in America" and was the most famous bandsman of the 1860s.  Coates was the first coronet soloist in America; he played in the band that escorted General Marie Joseph P. Y. R. G. du Montier, Marquis de Lafayette, during his visit to the US in 1824; and he later played at the funeral of President [Hiram] U. S. Grant.

Captain Charles A. Heckman, of Phillipsburg, and Lieutenant W. H. Abel, of the 1st PA Infantry Regiment during the three months service, had set up a recruiting office in White's Hotel in Center Square, Easton.  the two officers were forming an infantry company known as Company D ["Scott Guards"].  Company D became part of the three years enlistment troops of Colonel James Miller's 1st PA Volunteer Infantry Regiment at Camp Washington. 

Camp Washington, a National Guard camp, was located outside of Easton. The new recruits were sent to this camp to begin their training while further recruitment continued.  In the Easton Daily Express issue of August 22, 1861, the headline "VENUS IN DISTRESS" could be seen.  The story was of a patriotic camp follower who became a little too popular with the recruits in Camp Washington.  The newspaper reported, "It was discovered in Camp Washington this morning, that a certain young lady of easy virtue and strong Union proclivities had testified her loyalty to the Federal cause by establishing her headquarters at camp, where she passed a restless night in exhorting the military to patriotic deeds of daring when they should be brought face to face with the Southern foe, etc.

"The commanding officer, being apprised of the fact and being unwilling that her health should fall victim to her zeal, ordered a military escort to conduct her beyond the boundaries of the camp.  Accordingly, our Amazon was marched off with military honors, but terrible to relate so thoroughly had she ingratiated herself into the good graces of the soldiery, that they refused to leave her without some substantial token by way of a remembrancer. The result was, that in the absence of anything else, they stripped her of her clothing, and when   our informant got a glimpse of her, she was seated on a log, dressed in the style of the utmost simplicity, her entire wardrobe being limited  to a pair of boots and a capitola.

"Actuated by instinctive modesty, she had erected an earthen breastwork around her person to protect herself from a battery of curious and prying eyes.  Our informant compares her to 'Eva Repentant,' 'Powers Greek Slave,' or 'Patience on a Monument'."

Copyright 1999-2011: Jay C. Richards



Monday, August 15, 2011

August 19, 1861: Veterans Riot in Easton

After the First Battle of Manassas, VA (Bull Run) on July 21, 1861, most of the three months militia soldiers were sent back to their home states since their enlistments were to expire on July 31.  At the Belvidere-Delaware Railroad station in Belvidere, Warren County, NJ and the Lehigh Valley Railroad station in Easton, Northampton County, PA  people welcomed the returning veterans with cheers.  The veterans were happy to be home but they were also angry with several newspapers and the Democratic Party politicians for not supporting their fight to save the Federal Union.  On August 19, 1861, the anger would result in a riot in Easton.

On August 19, the Northampton County Democratic Party met in the Court House in Easton to elect officers and to adopt a policy resolution objecting to fighting a war over political disagreements.  The resolution stated, "Resolved, that while we look upon and condemn secession as revolutionary and as unjustifiable, on the one hand, we do no less disapprove of abolitionism with all its evils on the other; that we are in favor of the Union as our fathers framed it in the spirit of compromise, upon the great basis of justice, equality, and fraternity, that we are now more than ever convinced (and we charge this more in sorrow than in anger) that the sectional doctrines inculcated and taught by the Republican party, of 'no more slave states; no more Union and intercourse with slaveholders; that this Government cannot permanently endure half slave and free - the fugitive slave law must be repealed - the equality of the Negro to the white race, and his right to vote and hold office - denouncing slavery as a great moral wrong and a relic of barbarism,' and kindred heresies so utterly subversive of the Union and at war with the Federal Constitution; pandered to the worst passions of the human heart, around the demon spirit of sectional hatred, fanned into a flame the embers of civil war and brought the nation to the verge of ruin and destruction."

The Democrats pledged their support to the Government inasmuch as civil war had actually commenced.  They agreed to co-operate in a "vigorous prosecution" to bring the war to a quick end but stated they would not support "a war of conquest and subjugation."  The Democrats opposed the suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus by the Federal Government.  The group also resolved to favor the passage of a law "to prevent the emigration of Negroes in our State. If slavery should be abolished by the southern States by the Constitutional or unconstitutional action of the present Administration [President Abraham Lincoln] in the prosecution of this war, tens of thousands will find their way in the Free States, to be supported as paupers or take the place of our free white laborers." 

After adopting the above resolution, the Northampton County Democrats adjourned to Center Square, where local Congressman Philip Johnson made a speech to the public in support of the Democratic Party's position.  Johnson's speech against the war created a series of heated debates and rebuttals from other political parties and the returning veterans.  The arguments soon escalated from debates to shoving matches and fisticuffs.  The seeds for the rioting that occurred later in the evening were sown when a man named Mitchel tried to rebut Johnson's speech.  A fight broke out when some Democrats tried to silence Mitchel.

Early that evening, a large group of men, 80 percent of whom were returning veterans, marched out of local saloons and went to the home of Congressman Johnson. They found Johnson sitting on his front porch with a couple of friends.  The crowd assembled in front of Johnson and proceeded to burn Johnson's effigy.  When the effigy had burned out, the mob rushed toward Johnson, who ran into his house.  The crowd shouted to Johnson, demanding he show his colors.

Johnson appeared in a window holding a small American Flag.  Johnson assured the men that he was devoted to the Union.  He said he would gladly convince anyone of his loyalty, if they come to him at calmer moments.  The crowd decided to move on to another target.

Many of the three months veterans were angered by the lack of support they perceived came from several Easton newspapers: The Sentinel, The Argus, and Josiah Cole's German newspaper, The Correspondent & Democrat.  After leaving Johnson's house, some of the veterans yelled, "To The Sentinel office!"  The mob shouted the phrase in unison and marched to The Sentinel office.  The mob broke into the office. Type cases, desks, stands, stoves, the partially printed new edition of the newspaper, cards, books, and any other movable objects were thrown into the street.  The mob completely gutted the newspaper offices.

Next, the mob charged on to The Argus.  the crowd found the second floor offices were well barred, denying entry through the doors.  Rioters climbed onto an awning to enter through a window.  Little was destroyed in The Argus offices because some of the rioters felt it would require too much effort.

The mob had grown to more than 2,000 people in front of The Argus.  The crowd decided to move on to The Correspondent & Democrat. the mob broke down the door and had begun ransacking the offices when someone had suggested giving the owner time to publish a card on which his sentiments about the Union could be stated.  The mob agreed to leave the newspaper and move on to several homes of prominent Democrats.

The mob arrived at the home of the Honorable Richard Brodhead and saw the Stars & Stripes hanging over Brodhead's door.  The crowd decided not to disturb Brodhead.  In front of Brodhead's house, William H. Thompson addressed the crowd urging them not to disturb any more people.  Thompson pointed out that there were other ways of exhibiting their displeasure.

Hutter, a Democratic Party secretary. Seeing the Union flagon display, the crowd moved on to the home of Northampton County District Attorney W. W. Schuyler.  The crowd shouted until Schuyler came out to state his views on the Union.  After stating his "sentiments on the present crisis," Schuyler thanked the crowd for giving him "an opportunity to express his sentiments before so large and respectable a crowd."

At 11:00 p.m., the mob arrived at the Spring Garden Street home of Isbon Benedict.  Benedict was awakened by the pounding of fists on his door.  Benedict came to a window, and the crowd demanded to know his sentiments.  Benedict told the mob, "I am for the Union!  I fought through the Mexican War for the Stars & Stripes and have always been a Union man!"  The crowd moved on.

The crowd moved on to the home of Democratic Party vice-president George Able. Able was awakened by the crowd.  The mob demanded Able display a National Flag. Not owning a flag, Able was asked to address the crowd.  After being convinced of Able's support for the Union, the mob moved toward the home of Oliver W. Meyers.

Meyers talked to the mob from his bedroom window, "I have made Union speeches in the county and in our beautiful borough.  I am a firm Union man!  I have freely expressed my sentiments whenever desired to do so, on the street, at my office, and elsewhere, and I trust that this hideous rebellion might be put down."  The mob gave Meyers three cheers before moving on to the home of John Sletor. Sletor, too, declared that he was always a Union man.

The mob decided to make one last visit before going home.  they marched to the office of Democratic Party secretary Colonel D. H. Neiman, publisher of The Sentinel.  After tossing Neiman's furniture into the street, they set fire to the furniture pile.  At 2:00 a.m. on August 20, the mob broke up and went home.

Fearing a resumption of violence later in the day, business and home owners were quick to display the Union flag or red, white and blue bunting.  Patriotic music filled the air in the evenings as members of various local bands attempted to keep the people calm.

The day after the riot, Hutter, Neiman and Cole wrote letters to the editor of the Easton Daily Evening Express condemning the rioters.  Hutter wrote, "I feel as though injustice has been done me in the attack made on my office last night.  I wish to correct any erroneous impression that may exist in the public mind regarding my views on the war.  I never have had, and have not now, the first spark of sympathy with secessionism.  If I know my own heart, I love our great Union with my whole soul and am willing to make any sacrifice for its preservation.  I have always been devotedly attached to our Union and Constitution and wish to see both preserved for ourselves and posterity.  I would cheerfully grant all the means and men required by the National Administration, for a vigorous prosecution of the War to an honorable conclusion, satisfied that there is now no other mode of settlement and that our existence as a Republic and our liberties as a people, are at stake.  For this purpose I am willing to bear my share of the necessary taxation without a murmur.  I would not throw the slightest obstacle in the way of our Government in its efforts to suppress rebellion and enforce the laws.  I have but one wish in this matter, faithfully to discharge my duty as a loyal citizen and support, as every patriotic American should, the Government under which we live and have so long prospered.  I stand by the flag of my Country, now and forever."

Neiman wrote, "To the Patrons of The Sentinel, In consequence of my office being partially destroyed by a mob, on Monday night, the 19th instant, no 'Easton Sentinel' will be issued this week.  Next week, we will be out again as usual.  Persons having property in charge, belonging to me, saved from the wreck on Monday night, will oblige us greatly by returning it to the old office, on Thursday."

Cole wrote, "The subscriber was in no small measure astonished by the assembling, last night, in front of his office, of a large number of persons, who demanded that he should give expression to his sentiments, both through our journal and otherwise, that we thought they were known to those capable of reading and understanding the German language.  We have always been the firm friend of the Union; its friends we have encouraged and its enemies we have despised.  We now repeat what we have always declared, that 'the Union must and shall be preserved.'  Not only by word, but by deed have we shown our devotion to the Union and its defenders.  We were instrumental in inducing the County Commissioners to pass a resolution making an appropriation for the benefit of the families of the volunteers.  We have also cheerfully contributed for the same purpose.  The flag of our union has floated over our office ever since the beginning of the present difficulties.  While we have acted for the Union both by word and deed, we have done so with the consciousness that such a course was perfectly consistent with our character as a loyal citizen.  The persons who congregated in front of our office last night were evidently misinformed of what we had said and done for the Union, and were driven to extremes, which in calmer moments they must regret.  In the future, as in the past, I shall continue to defend in every respect the National Government."

In anticipation of further rioting during the days that followed, the Northampton County Sheriff called out a posse to assist in suppressing any violence that might flare up.  The slavery dispute remained unresolved.


Copyright 1999-2011: Jay C. Richards

 


Sunday, August 7, 2011

August 1861: Charles Mutchler's Bull Run-Related Gunshot Wound

In early August 1861, First Sergeant Charles Wesley Mutchler, of Company D ["Phillipsburg Garibaldi Guards"], 1st Regiment of New Jersey Volunteer Infantry, returned to Phillipsburg on a 30-day medical furlough.  Mutchler was shot in the hand by his own revolver in Washington, DC on July 21, after returning from the Manassas, VA area.

The 1st New Jersey Volunteer Infantry (three years enlistment), commanded by Colonel William R. Montgomery and Lieutenant Colonel Robert McAllister, had been assigned rear-guard duties near Centerville, VA as the Federal Army of the Potomac retreated to Washington, DC after the First Battle of Manassas (or Bull Run).  After returning to Washington City, Mutchler, age 20, was shot in the right hand as he was putting his pistol in his pocket. 

Two or three Army physicians looked at the wound, but Mutchler preferred to return home and go to Dr. C. C. Field, of Easton, PA, to have the bullet removed.  Dr. Field removed the bullet, and Mutchler recuperated at home for a couple of weeks. 

On September 18, 1861, Mutchler was commissioned a Second Lieutenant of Company D, 1st NJV Regiment.

Copyright 1999-2011: Jay C. Richards

Tuesday, August 2, 2011

August 1861: Charles Butts & the "NJ Company," 11th PA Cavalry Regt.

Charles W. Butts, of Belvidere, was one of the guests of honor in Washington Borough on August 3, 1861, after returning home from three-months enlistment in the 2nd NJ Militia.  Sharing the honor at the celebration were Abram Depue, of Belvidere, and Washington residents John Longstaff, Joseph W. Johnston, Jacob T. Thomson, and James Vannatta.

After resting at home in Belvidere for a short time, Butts decided to form his own cavalry company.  He learned that "General Harlan" (Colonel Josiah Harlan) was forming an independent volunteer cavalry regiment in Pennsylvania and was enlisting companies from Indiana, Ohio, Michigan, New York and Pennsylvania.  Harlan had 20 years of military experience, including service in India during the Sepoy Rebellion of 1858.  Butts contacted Harlan and received authorization to form a New Jersey company. 

Harlan's Cavalry soon became the 11th Pennsylvania Cavalry Regiment.  First Lieutenant Butts'  "New Jersey Company" became Company I.  Butts set up his enlistment tables in Belvidere, Blairstown and Hope.  

One of the first men to join Butts' company was Jacob P. Wright, of Belvidere.  Other Warren County men who joined the "NJ Company" were: Corporal Jacob B. Anderson, of Belvidere; Saddler Gideon C. Angle, of Belvidere; Corporal (later Sgt.) Henry D. Bray, of Belvidere; John Brink, of Belvidere; James M. Clayton, of Belvidere; John P. Dickey, of Belvidere; Alfred L. Hann, of Hope;  John H. Robeson, of Belvidere; William L. Slack, of Columbia; and  George G. Wright, of Belvidere.

Alfred Hann was killed at Front Royal, VA in September 1864 by a Confederate guerrilla named Smith from Mosby's Rangers.  Smith was hanged by Company I under orders of General A. T. A. Torbert.  Smith was one of three Mosby's Rangers hanged by Federal troops.

Warren County men who joined the "NJ Company" at later dates were: Milo G. Doud, of Belvidere, March 1864; James Slack, of Columbia, February 1864 (died at Point of Rocks, VA on July 21 1864); Bugler Alfred VanScoten, of Belvidere, January 1864; Chaplain J. Addison Whittaker, principal of the Belvidere Seminary for Young Ladies, February 1862; and Alonzo R. Wright, of Belvidere, February 1864.     Joining other companies were William Fisher, of Phillipsburg, Company H, January 1864; and William H. Marlatt, of Hackettstown, Company F, June 1864. 

Some of the men of Butt's cavalry company wrote letters to family and to Belvidere newspapers.  Some of these letters will be quoted in later editions. 

Copyright 1997-2011: Jay C. Richards

Thursday, July 28, 2011

July 27, 1861: Return From Manassas

On July 21, 1861, the Federal Army of the Potomac was defeated by Confederate troops near Manassas Junction, VA at Bull Run.  The army retreated to Washington, DC.  The three months enlistments of many state militia soldiers would expire on July 31. 

On July 27, Charles Butts and Abram Depue, of Belvidere, returned home on the Belvidere-Delaware Railroad from Trenton.  Riding the train with Butts and Depue were John Longstaff, Joseph W. Johnston, Jacob T. Thomson, and James Vannatta, of Washington.  Their three months enlistment in the 2nd NJ Militia Regiment was almost up.  When the militia veterans arrived at the Bel-Del Railroad Station in Belvidere they were welcomed by a cheering crowd.  The men returned to Trenton by train on July 31 to muster out of the three months service. 

On August 3, 1861, Butts, Depue Longstaff, Johnston, Thomson and Vannatta were the guests of the Borough of Washington.  A public reception was held in their honor .  The men were met at the train depot and were escorted into town with a parade led by parade marshals J. E. Lynn and Cadet James M. Sanno and the Washington Brass Band.  The returning veterans rode in a fine carriage surrounded by citizens of Washington, who were on foot.  Following a number of speeches, the veterans were escorted to the Washington Hotel for a feast sponsored by the Weller family, the hotel owners.  The dinner was followed by a band concert.  Butts and Depue were transported back to Belvidere in the carriage of Alexander P. Berthoud, Esquire - the man who would command the 31st NJ Volunteer Infantry Regiment in 1862.

[Cadet James Sanno later joined the 7th US Infantry Regiment and would fight in the Civil War, the Plains Indian Wars, and the Spanish-American War.]

One soldier returning from the war, who was riding the Belvidere -Delaware Railroad, became a hero.  The newspapers only knew his last name was May and did not know his hometown nor his regiment.  The August 10, 1861 edition of the Easton Daily Evening Express [Easton, PA] wrote, "A GALLANT SOLDIER. A few evenings since, just as the Belvidere train was leaving Moore's station, a little boy fell from the bridge into the water.  The instant the splash was heard, a soldier, who with his company was on the train, sprang out of the cars, plunged into the canal and saved the boy's life. So quietly was this done that very few on the train knew anything of it, and the gallant soldier was left behind.  We understand his name is May.  All honor to the noble fellow."  There was no follow-up story detailing what happened to Private May and the boy he saved.

Returning Pennsylvania regiments' veterans arrived at Lehigh Valley Railroad Station in Easton for a welcome home parade complete with bands - led by Pomp's Cornet Band - and "three cheers and tiger [a howl]" from residents standing along the streets.  Church bells rang throughout the borough and an artillery salute was fired on Mount Jefferson.  The veterans in Easton were happy to be home, especially those who survived the battle at Manassas, but many were angry with several newspapers and Democratic Party politicians for not supporting their fight to save the Union.  This anger would boil over on August 19, 1861.     


Copyright 1997-2011: Jay C. Richards   

Saturday, July 23, 2011

July 21, 1861: First Battle of Manassas [Bull Run] - Part Three

Confusion from the assorted uniform colors caused Federal and Confederate troops to fire on their allies and, in some cases, to allow their enemies to pass.  Both sides had blue and gray uniforms, and Zouave uniforms were even more confusing to green soldiers who had never seen them before.  Lack of proper training failed to prepare civilians for the fierceness of battle.  In some regiments, green troops fired volleys into their own front ranks from behind. 

On Henry House Hill, Captain James B. Ricketts' field guns were back in Federal hands for a third time after the 69th New York Irish Regiment and the 38th New York Infantry Regiment pushed back Colonel Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson's regiments, but the arrival of the 8th and 18th Virginia Infantry Regiments tipped the balance back to the Confederates on the hill.  After fighting over Ricketts' cannon for two hours, approximately 500 men lay dead and hundreds more were wounded. The battle moved on to other locations: Chinn Ridge and the stone bridge. 

Federal troops started an orderly retreat toward Centerville. Several Confederate cavalry attacks and Confederate artillery fire turned the withdrawl into a mad dash for safety.  The broken Federal ranks ran into Brigadier Theodore Runyon's New Jersey troops, who were moving forward. 

Lt. Colonel Robert McAllister, of Oxford Furnace, and his 1st NJ Volunteer Infantry Regiment were ordered to move forward from Centerville to secure road intersections for the retreating Federal troops and to act as a rear guard as General Joseph E. Johnston's Confederate troops pushed the Federals farther away from Manassas Junction.  Officers of the NJ units tried to rally the retreating troops to bring order and to assist in the rear guard action.

John Schoonover, of Oxford Furnace, Adjutant of the 1st NJV Regiment, wrote to the Belvidere Intelligencer on July 22, "We were stationed at Vienna when the cannonading commenced at Bull Run, which was distinctly heard, and many of us expressed a wish to be present.  To our great pleasure at ten o'clock A.M., we received orders to march to Centerville.  Owing to the absence of two companies 'out scouting' we remained until one o'clock then took to our march, leaving them behind.  This delay alone prevented us from participating in the battle.  About two miles this side of Centerville, we met the retreating army.  As their number was but few when they first appeared, with the exception of the provision train, our Colonel supposed them to be fugitives, and many were compelled to retrace their steps.  I feel happy to say that Lieutenant Colonel McAllister exhibited unflinching valor and determination upon the occasion. All except the wounded were arrested in their flight.

"The scene which followed, my pen utterly fails to describe.  Men exhausted and spiritless came streaming along anxiously inquiring where we were going and what was our number; others for fear of being arrested in their flight turned in the woods; riderless horses were running in every direction; and I am glad to inform you that many imagining the battle was to be renewed turned and said they would try again.  As we passed along, a number of Ellsworth's Fire Zouaves were standing in a body and exclaiming, 'Give it to them, Boys!  Only about 200 of us left,' showing the cause of the many exaggerated reports which were given to the public.  Many of the teamsters seemed  foolishly frightened and came driving down the hills with headlong speed, their wagons frequently turning over and over in one confused mass.  Amidst all this tumult, our little band of 600 men march coolly and deliberately forward; and contrary to the reports of the city papers, the Second Regiment   turned back against the orders of Colonel [William] Montgomery, then commanding [the NJ Brigade].  We marched to Centerville, where we made a halt, lay down tired and wearied, and awaited further orders.  About midnight, it was ascertained that the First NJ Regiment was the only one remaining in the place.

"We shortly received orders to retreat to Arlington Heights and accordingly took up our march, scarcely stopping on the way, which brought us to camp about seven o'clock, having marched since one o'clock of the previous day at least 40 miles, which many of us were disposed to think was a good tramp for the first one...I forgot to mention that five companies of the 1st Regiment were ordered to Arlington Heights, after the retreat, in order to throw up some sort of defense and guard the road."

On July 24, Private Theodore Carhart, Jr.,  of Belvidere,  Company D, 1st NJV Infantry, wrote a letter to his family and friends, "Friends at Home: I hear that you are worried about me, hearing that our Regiment was cut all to pieces; that is not so, we have not lost a man since we left Trenton.  Zach [Zachariah Nye, of Belvidere] received a letter stating the above, but I told him  that I had wrote to you since we got back, and that you must know better, for I told you that I was safe and that I would write when I got time; so I will give you a short history, which I know is true, for I was there myself.  Now, after this, I don;t want you to worry about me, for you will receive a letter, if not from me it will be from somebody, so that you know      all about it.

"I wrote to you that the 1st and 2nd Regiments was ordered down to take charge of Vienna; well, we did until Sunday, 21st, when we were ordered off to Centervillehorses as fast as they could go.  We went on for a few miles further and met a part of the army in retreat; we tried to stop them, and did to a great extent; but when we came on to the main army, running as if the old boy was after them, and it was an awful sight then; some of them were so badly wounded that they could not get any further and had crawled in the woods to lay down and die.  They were shot in the head, arms, body, legs, and in fact all over; it was awful, but on we went with our little band (the 2nd Regiment had left us    on the first sight   of the retreating army and went back to Vienna); our party was about 800 strong; we went on to Centerville, arriving there about nine o'clock in the evening, and found it all deserted, but we went on 'til within three miles of the enemy, and then drew up in line and laid down to take a little rest, not leaving the ranks at all; we laid there for an hour or so, then the officers thought it best to shift our quarters; we got up and moved off to another place, then formed, of the right and left wing, hollow squares on both sides of the road, then laid down for a second time, but had not laid long before the order was given to move again, marching back to Fairfax.

"We left Centerville that morning at 10 o'clock; after we had got some eight miles on the road back, we got news that a Regiment of their celebrated cavalry was after us, (by this time, we had caught up to a part of the retreating army), and after we received that news, there were two Regiments detailed to meet them, and the remainder of Ellsworth's Zouaves - 70 of them - they hid themselves in the woods, and when the cavalry came along, the Zouaves fired into them, confusing their ranks and shooting them down like dogs; the Regiments came up to their assistance, and out of 600, there was only 6 of them to go back and tell the tale.

"After this, we marched straight on through Fairfax to Arlington Heights, where we arrived at 11 o'clock, and at the fort at 11-1/2 o'clock.  The main cause of this defeat was the provision train that was coming up in the rear of the army got scared and turned their teams back and began to retreat; their officers tried to rally them, but if they had had good Captains and other of this kind, they could have made a stand as easily as could be.  Why, I believe that we, as small as we were, could have held it, if we stayed, which the colonel wanted to do, but the orders were to move and we had to go.  The teamsters made such a hasty leave that they threw out all (or nearly so) of their loads and drove some of their wagons off n the gutters, upturning them and killing some of their horses.  When we came back that night, the road was fairly strewn with everything you could think of.

"We are now encamped right along side of Fort Albina [Fort Albany].  Five companies of our Regiment went to Arlington Mills to dig ditches and throw up embankments to protect that place.  I did not go with our company, for I did not feel very well.  I think that I shall go up to-morrow or the next day; our boys are having a gay old time; we move nearly every day.  I just heard that our tents are to be moved down to Fort Runyon, and in a few days take charge of that fort, for the three months boys are going home.  There is more excitement here now than there had been at all since I have been in this section of the country.  The enemy has taken Vienna again.  Well, I must close, so good bye for the present; love and respects to all."

Lt. Colonel McAllister   wrote a letter on July 25, "The whole scene beggars all description; and yet, strange to say, our officers and men, raw as they were, remained cool and collected, and marched through these retreating columns with a firmness which astonished all who saw the regiments, and which has since been a theme of universal praise...Had it not been for our regiment, an immense number of wagons would have been left along the road, and would now be in the hands of the enemy with all stores they contained.  We saved the Government, too, a large amount of other property.  When we went up, parts of the road were literally covered with picks and shovels - in a word, with articles of every description usually belonging to an army.  When we came back, nearly all was picked up, owing to our having stopped the retreat, and so given the fugitives confidence and inspired them with some sense of discipline...A great many claim the credit of protecting the retreat, and being the last to leave the field; but it is all in the imagination.  We were the very last to leave Centerville.  We remained two hours after Colonel [Louis] Blenker left, and we would have been left to be cut to pieces had we not accidentally discovered that his command was retreating."

Dr. Edward Taylor, of Middletown, the surgeon of the 1st NJV Regiment, decided to stay behind in Centerville with the wounded at the field hospital.  Taylor was later captured with the wounded.  McAllister wrote, "Before we moved off, I sent a messenger to inform Dr. Taylor, our surgeon, of our orders to retreat.  the Doctor came to me  and asked permission to remain with the wounded, as all other surgeons had left with the retreating forces.  I told him I knew not the moment we would want his services ourselves, but was willing to grant his request if the Colonel would agree to it.  The Colonel did agree, and this is the last we have seen of that noble-hearted man." 

Private Jacob Cole, the fourteen-year old soldier from Paterson, who was a member of Company A of  the New York Fire Zouaves, recalled in 1906, "The army, meeting with defeat, retreated to Washington, where we found that the city     was filled with stragglers on the retreat. The roads were filled with carriages and baggage wagons. Under the excitement, men cut  horses and mules loose from the wagons, jumped on their backs, and started helter-skelter for Washington.  The roads were so crowded that it was more like a mob than an army.  When we reached the Long Bridge to cross over into Washington, there was such a crush that it was impossible to keep any formation, so it became a case of everyone for themselves.  When we arrived in the city, we found it filled with stragglers, and all was excitement.  After the regiment got into Washington and the excitement began to cool, the officers found that there was about 200 men missing.  when we reached New York, we ascertained the whereabouts of the missing men.  Some had been killed, others were prisoners, and still others had never stopped retreating     until they reached home.  the regiment left Washington for New York on August 4th, and was mustered out of the service as a regiment on August 8th, 1861."   Cole went home to Paterson, NJ for only a couple of days.  He enlisted in Company A of the 57th New York Volunteer Infantry on August 11, 1861, for three years enlistment as a 14-year old veteran soldier.

Copyright 1997-2011: Jay C. Richards                    

Friday, July 22, 2011

July 21, 1861: First Battle of Manassas [Bull Run] - Part Two

Federal General Irvin McDowell ordered Brigadier Gen. Daniel Tyler's division to feint a main attack near the stone bridge on the Warrenton turnpike.  Colonel Dixon S. Miles' division remained in reserve at Centerville, VA along with the New Jersey Brigade and Brigadier Gen. Theodore Runyon's division.  Colonel David Hunter's division and Brigadier Gen. Samuel Heintzelman's division were to cross Bull Run at Sudley Ford and Poplar Ford  above the stone bridge, where Confederate defenses were the weakest.  A push on the lightly guarded stone bridge was ruled out on the assumption that the confederates would have heavily guarded it.

Shortly after the Federal advance began on the fords above the stone bridge, General Pierre G. T. Beauregard received a warning from his signal officer, Edward Porter Alexander, who observed Federal troops crossing Bull Run approximately two miles above the stone bridge.  Beauregard ordered Brigadier Gen. Barnard Bee, Colonel Thomas Jackson, and Colonel Wade Hampton to move their brigades above the stone bridge to oppose the Federal advance.  

Once gunfire could be heard at Sudley Ford, General Joseph E. Johnston ordered his army to join the fight, approximately one mile below the ford.  Colonel Nathan Evans ordered his men to move upstream from the stone bridge to help block the Federals fording Bull Run.  

Before the actual battle began, members of the 4th South Carolina Infantry Regiment accidentally fired on Colonel Robert Wheat's "Louisiana Tiger Zouaves" thinking they were Federal troops.  No one was injured.

The real battle began at Matthews Hill when Confederates opened fire on the 2nd Rhode Island Infantry Regiment.  

A mile away , on Henry House Hill, General Bee set up an artillery battery  to await the Federal advance.  Bee set his infantry units on both sides of the artillery.  Bee later ordered his infantry to reinforce Confederates on Matthews Hill.  When the Confederates were pushed off Matthews Hill, Federal commanders looked toward Henry House Hill.

The New York Fire Zouaves (11th NY Infantry Regiment) and the Brooklyn "Red-Legged Devils" (14th NY Infantry Regiment) and the Marines were sent from Matthews Hill to accompany artillery in an attack on Henry House Hill.  The 1st Minnesota Infantry Regiment, wearing red shirts, was ordered to join in the advance.   However, McDowell's headquarters had no intelligence reports on the number of Confederate batteries and infantry waiting on Henry House Hill.  

Captain James B. Ricketts set up his battery near Henry House.  Confederates in the house fired on Ricketts' men. Ricketts ordered his men to blast the house. Eighty-year old Judith Henry was killed in her bedroom. Federal and Confederate batteries fired at each other on Henry House Hill.  The batteries failed to knock each other out of action, but they caused a lot of infantry casualties on both sides. 

Brigadier Gen. Heintzelman rode over to the Fire Zouaves and escorted them to where he wanted them. He placed two companies in reserve behind the forward companies - which were placed just behind the artillery of Rickett's battery.  Heintzelman placed the 1st Minnesota to the right of the Zouaves.  The Fire Zouaves reached their position just in time to receive a volley of musket fire from the Virginians in front of them.  The Zouaves and the Brooklyn Devils hit the ground just before the second volley was fired at them.

The two reserve companies of Fire Zouaves were attacked by Virginia cavalry from "The Loudon Company" and "The Clarke Cavalry."  The Fire Zouaves fired in volley bringing down the first row of Virginia troopers.  As the cavalry hacked at them with sabers, the Fire Zouaves pulled the troopers off their horses or speared them with their bayonets as they yelled "Remember Ellsworth!"  Half of "The Loudon Company" trooper were casualties.

After the Virginians fired at the main body of Fire Zouaves and Rickett's battery, the Zouaves moved twenty yards forward and fired a volley into the Virginians and then stepped back to reload.  Some of the rear ranks of Zouaves, the Marines and the 1st Minnesota mistook the back step for a retreat and broke ranks in confusion.  Some Fire Zouaves ran and some assisted the wounded. Lieutenant John Mathews, of Belvidere, and his men of Company K held their ground and were joined by the 69th New York Irish Regiment, the 27th New York Infantry Regiment and the 1st Wisconsin Infantry Regiment.   Mathews and his men  joined the Irish in charging up Henry House Hill to try to recapture Ricketts' guns  from the  Virginia Infantry Regiments.  They were repelled but charged a second time.

When two Virginians captured the green Irish Regimental Flag and the National Flag from the 69th New York's wounded color guards, Mathews and his Zouaves charged the Virginians. Mathews killed the rebels with his pistol and returned with both flags.  Company K returned the flags to New York's Fighting Irish.  The Fire Zouaves suffered the heaviest losses among all the Federal units.

During the Confederate attack against the Fire Zouaves and the Brooklyn Red-Legged Devils, the men of the 27th Virginia Infantry Regiment clashed against the Brooklyn regiment.  Ricketts' battery fired canister shot into the Virginians, and the 27th began to crumble.  

Captain Thompson McAllister, age 49, rallied his company in the 27th Virginia.  When asked if they should retreat, McAllister said it would never do. "If you can't stand up, lie down, but keep on shooting!" he told his men.  McAllister's "Allegheny Roughs" were entrusted with the regimental flag. McAllister knew his men had to hold their ground so the regiment would not retreat.

McAllister jumped up with his sword and yelled, "Get up, Boys, Get up!  Come on! Forward!!  Charge them - that's the order!"  McAllister'sdid the 2nd Virginia Infantry.  The men ran with McAllister and his son, William, toward Ricketts' battery and captured the guns for the Stonewall Brigade of Thomas Jackson.  

Captain McAllister's health weakened from illness a few weeks later.  He was discharged by surgeon's certificate and returned to his home in the Shenandoah Valley - never to fight in the war again.

Meanwhile, a few miles away in Centerville, Captain McAllister's brother, Lt. Colonel Robert McAllister, of Oxford Furnace, NJ, waited with his 1st New Jersey Volunteer Infantry Regiment as part of McDowell's reserve force. 

Copyright 1997-2011: Jay C. Richards